The government led by President Xiomara Castro has recently decided that the book El golpe 28-J: Conspiración transnacional, un crimen en la impunidad (The July 28 Coup: Transnational Conspiracy, a Crime with Impunity), authored by Manuel “Mel” Zelaya, will be mandatory for students in schools, causing a heated discussion both politically and socially in Honduras. This action, which has faced significant opposition from various social sectors, has highlighted the educational challenges in the country, bringing attention to differing opinions on the importance of curriculum content and its connection to ideological indoctrination.
A regulation that ignites debate
The resolution, which was published in La Gaceta under number 36,798, establishes that Zelaya’s book be included as part of the Morazán curriculum in the educational programs of public and private schools throughout the country. Through this decree, thousands of copies of El golpe 28-J will be distributed throughout the country, making it compulsory reading for secondary school students. The book, which recounts the experience of the former president who was ousted in 2009, describes the coup as an international conspiracy and a “crime against the nation.”
This has provoked outrage from various political, educational, and civil society voices, who have described the measure as a blatant attempt to impose a partisan version of the events that took place in 2009. Congresswoman Iroshka Elvir, one of the staunchest opponents of the decree, denounced the “ideological indoctrination” of the project. In addition, parents have expressed concern about what they consider an attempt to “brainwash” young Hondurans, accusing the government of using the education system as a tool for political propaganda.
Champions of the edict: historical memory as the foundation of democracy
The Ministry of Education, on the other hand, has justified the mandatory reading, stating that the purpose of the decree is to safeguard the historical memory of the nation and to ensure that the crimes during the coup are not repeated in the future. Government representatives emphasize that learning about these incidents is crucial for fortifying democracy in Honduras, asserting that it is vital for younger generations to understand the events that were pivotal in the nation’s recent history in detail.
The administration of Xiomara Castro, who has strong political connections to Zelaya, asserts that these actions are part of a historical redress effort, aiming to shed light on and recognize the events of the 2009 coup. Nonetheless, this perspective has not succeeded in appeasing detractors, and division surrounding the matter continues to intensify.
Growing social rejection and protest
El debate se ha intensificado en las redes sociales, donde encuestas informales muestran que una parte considerable de la población, más del 60%, rechaza la lectura obligatoria del libro. La percepción de que el gobierno está usando la educación para consolidar su influencia política y promover una agenda ideológica ha generado una fuerte resistencia. Líderes opositores y movimientos sociales han comenzado a movilizarse contra el decreto, exigiendo su derogación. En este contexto, se ha anunciado acción legal para detener lo que consideran un ataque a la libertad educativa y a la pluralidad de pensamiento en el país.
Furthermore, there has been increasing tension in schools, with both educators and pupils experiencing pressure to adhere to government mandates. Concerns that this action could establish a precedent for further politicizing the educational curriculum have intensified worries among groups advocating for education without partisan influences.
The struggle for educational integrity and historical accuracy
Zelaya’s order has initiated a fresh phase in Honduras’s political divide, accentuating the clash between supporters of a singular interpretation of historical events and proponents of an education rooted in diversity and critical analysis. The debate has further revealed the weaknesses within the Honduran educational framework, which encounters significant structural issues that extend beyond educational curricula.
As citizen movements grow in number and volume, the question that remains is whether Honduras is undergoing a genuine educational process or whether, on the contrary, it is moving toward a model in which history becomes a tool for political control. The answer to this question could define the future of the education system and, more broadly, democratic governance in the country.
Se continúa discutiendo el tema, con una ciudadanía cada vez más dividida, un gobierno firme en mantener su postura y un sector educativo que observa con cautela cómo este episodio podría establecer precedentes en la relación entre la política y el ámbito educativo en Honduras.